Mapping poverty and evictions in Chile

Social movements and take-overs of land seem to be a characteristic that pops into the mind of many when they think about Latin America (Davila, 2014). But among the countries in the global south which have diminished significantly the number of self built housing or self managed areas (also known as “slums”, “slum shack dwellings”, “informal sector”, etc) is Chile (UNHabitat, 2003, 2013). Indeed, how does it manage to drop to a 5% of settlements, when most of the countries around the world and in its region actually increased numbers of “informal settlements”? Does it mean we are in an “advanced” state of development? Is Chile’s neo-liberalism (Harvey, 2005) not that bad, as the World Bank (1993, 2010) suggested in the 90’s? Are we now different to world class cities (Thornley & Peter, 2011), which make extensive use of evictions of the urban poor for the sake of competing in a globalized world (Friedmann, 2010)?  After all, Chile’s development success was transferred by the Word bank to countries in Latin America, Africa and Asia (Sugranyes, 2004). Maybe devoting time just to understand one case is a good chance to explore how Chile deals with informality and its urban expressions. And to scrutinize what is actually “transferable” from one context to another (MCann & Ward, 2012). 

Among the most recent settlements in Chile, and one of the largest, is the Toma de Peñalolén. For those unfamiliar with the term Toma, it was coined during the 1950’s (de Ramon, 1990). The Term made reference to how the urban poor and impoverished urban communities simply took over a vacant land to obtain a place to live in the city. The example presented in this post shares many characteristics of these past forms of take overs. Not only by the fact that it is a take-over of land, but it’s strong internal and political organization that resists the pressure of eviction. This form of occupying land was thought by the mainstream politicians to be a phase of the past. And the emergence for the Toma resurfaced once again the discussion of the right to the city (Lefebvre, 1991). But this time not by academics, developers or politicians. But by those at the receiving end of policies.

Eviction process at city scale

Image 1: Places where families were evicted to after the Toma. (30 in Colina; 10 to Quilicura; 4-5 in Puente Alto; 1338 in Penalolen). The map still requires some other pobalciones to be identified.

The case presented here, Toma de Peñalolén began in June 1999, well after democracy was reinitialized in Chile (1990). The Interviews carried out with Toma dwellers suggests it was not spontaneous (as usual). Instead it was a well organized movement, which dated years before the Toma itself, progressively building the necessary social networks within the borough to mobilize thousands of people for the take over. Cell phones and text messages became an important communication element to mobilize so many people in such a little time (in a few hours) to take over Miguel Nasur’s land. The most relevant organization systems that allowed such as swift and effective movement were the comites: one of the simplest form of community organization.  It is similar to the UK committees social organization. And the Toma de Peñalolén actually shows the potential these have to affect agendas, or change for whom we build the city. Indeed, the Toma, in the hands of around 20 activists, grew up to 10,000 dwellers; organized in at least 20 comites; 12 comisiones; and a mesa central. They had streets with names and numbers for each dwelling; capacity to employ and feed many in their community. Interviews suggests women even felt safer inside the Toma than outside, due to its efficient inner security system and familiarity with everyone that lived in it. They obtained light, building their own water and sewage system, which they tapped into the mainstream systems thanks to their capacity to negotiate collectively with institutions “outside” their Toma. And almost managed to avoid eviction. After their eviction in 2006, 200 people still remain in the Toma. Most of will be allocated social housing in the following years.

Map 1: LOCATION OF DWELLERS RIGHT BEFORE THEIR TOMA. Red signals the streets where people lived BEFORE the Toma. Blue is the Toma (1999-2015) area. Sources: Pablo Astorga and Googlemaps.

Map 1: LOCATION OF DWELLERS RIGHT BEFORE THEIR TOMA. Red signals the streets where people lived BEFORE the Toma. Blue is the Toma (1999-2015) area. Sources: Pablo Astorga and Googlemaps.


Map 2: OLDER SETTLEMENTS AND EVICTED AREAS: A COMPARATIVE MAP. Green areas are “formalized” settlements and some mid income housing projects between 1979 and 1993. Yellow indicates where Toma dwellers were recently evicted between 2006 and  2009. New locations (in yellow) suggests people were relocated in/near/adjacent the traditionally popular areas again. Interviewees suggested new locations were chosen as “cheapest available” in the Comuna. Sources: Pablo Astorga, Claudio Contreras (TUC, 1995)  and Googlemaps

The first two maps show what streets the Toma dwellers lived in just before they formed part of the Toma (streets in RED); the Toma itself (area in BLUE); and the places they were evicted to (areas in YELLOW). A few conclusions may be drawn  at simple sight. One is how close Toma dwellers lived to the occupied place. The neighborhoods correspond to previous formalized Tomas and social housing program (areas which are marked in second graph with areas in RED). The second graph shows people were evicted basically into the same areas they lived before. It is important to mention, living in the comuna (similar to the term borough) was one of the Tomas’s goals. But research still needs to be developed to answer if they are better off ow than in the Toma or even before that. After all, their current locations are actually on the fringes of the red areas or poblaciones. Paying closer attention to these areas it is possible to conclude that the evicted areas are remains of an ongoing urbanization process which buffer the proximity between the rich and poor in the borough itself.

In fact, some level of environmental conflicts developed due to this proximity, in the famous Comunidad Ecologica case. and with the Casa Grande real estate development area (See Map 3). Both of these areas were among the least happy and best organized NIMBYs. Basically they did not want social housing beside them. Interestingly, most of the post Toma lands are far form both gated communities. in fact, negotiations and final decision of where pobladores were allocated is a result of less formal (informal) negotiation processes. Therefore, if we are to evaluate formal & informal relations around a locality, it is relevant to question if a wider range of actors,/institutions/organized communities are actually making extensive use of such means to put forward their agendas or obtain a consensus.

Map 3: OLDER SETTLEMENTS AND EVICTED AREAS AND ACTIVE NYMBYS: A COMPARATIVE MAP. Sources: Pablo Astorga, Claudio Contreras (TUC, 1995),  Googlemaps & Wikimaps

Map 3: OLDER SETTLEMENT, EVICTED AREAS AND ACTIVE NYMBYs: A COMPARATIVE MAP. Sources: Pablo Astorga, Claudio Contreras (TUC, 1995), Googlemaps & Wikimaps

Although further research is required, these images and interviews raise a few questions. Firstly, how come most of the people of the toma actually lived in the same comuna? Indeed, it is striking that in a borough that could boast of its increasing H.D.I., had an event where so many people, in a night, decided to pass form a formal sector to an informal one. Indeed, through a survey among the pobladores, it was possible to conclude most of them lived as allegados and arrendatarios just prior to the Toma. this may not be any surprise for those familiar with the cas. but it does provide a solid ground to question what conditiosn, locally were building up to spark such a large scaled social phenomena. And how in this comuna is related to what is ahpending a a larger city, national, regional or global scale. For the moment it is important to acknowledge there is little research into how extended such a condition of living behind a family’s backyard (allegado) or sub renting an already crowded house (arrendatario) was affecting Peñalolén. Indeed, if we have a closer look, there are previous poverty conditions which make it credible to suggest a “thin line” between the formal and informal.

Secondly, most interviews suggest it is useless to understand the Toma’s outcome without acknowledging the importance of its basic unit of participation and social cohesion: the comite. Individually, it was very unlikely that the same pobladores would have obtained social housing in their comuna, as two interviewees suggested. In fact, regaining control over the Toma was by controlling the capacity to organize and shape the social housing agenda. and this takes place in all of the Toma’s commissions”organs” ( education commissions, cultural commissions, security commissions, construction commissions, etc…).  All based on voluntary work. From a regional perspective, community participation is an issue already researched and highlighted by UN Habitat, as Sugranyes suggests. Indeed, participation in other countries such as Uruguay seems to be more binding and lasting than in Chile; even when Chile may have a wider range of “participative” programs. From this perspective, ignoring the relevance of alternative forms of participation (Harvey, 2014) and community participation has more to do with those framing the policies than those at the receiving end (Roy, 2005).  Therefore, listening to social organizations may be a better suggestion than transfer Chile’s efficient social housing delivery through what was termed as a good PPP  by the World Bank. It must be said, participate policies have diversified and increased their budget among various ministries in Chile. “Quiero Mi barrio”, re-occupy the streets of communities program, even participatory budgets programs are provided by the state. But it also questions why, if participation is a central aspect in the current urban policies, the Toma was “put a lid on” so urgently. It also questions why the Toma was left out of the last national survey, an information system widely used in Chile to evaluate and design policies.

Thirdly, formalization programs applied to this case do not seem to deliver a better outcome in terms of urban physical integration and social cohesiveness for the urban poor. Many of the social an economic networks built during a decade were relocated far from the Toma. Indeed, the eviction process required fragmenting the Toma’s organization capacity. A capacity that had potential to maintain social integration when social or economic crisis take place. Indeed, the Toma had a strong identity which most pobladores still miss today. Most associate this nostalgic feeling to a sense of community rather than the harsh living conditions. Moreover, in a recent meeting in El Valle (one of the evicted areas) the debate was whether to make their neighborhood look like a gated community of not, like the middle class neighborhoods surrounding El Valle. We still do not know how much employment, education and health aspects have actually improved in these communities. But networks and cooperation can still be identified and may be qualified as a legacy in the comuna. In a recent meeting with Diputado Pilowsky , five community leaders of the Toma gathered, shared information regarding applications to government funds, keeping up to date their cooperative links. Such community identity therefore perpetuates, even if the community as a whole has been scattered in the comuna.

Entrance of El Valle Penalolen. The community debated whether to apply for funding to gate their community or not.

Main entrance to El Valle, Penalolen. The community in January 2015 debated whether to apply for funding (to the government agency named Intendencia) to gate their community.

Fourhtly, the Toma shows it is possible to find land for social housing in places “too expensive” like Penalolen comuna. The “need for housing” and the “lack of space” discourse, brought forward both by private and public institutions, have constantly influenced urban and housing policies for the last two decades. But for a while the amount of resources dedicated to location; quality of public space and dwellings has been highlighted as persistently insufficient (Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2005). Indeed, among the main issues related to  segregation is not the lack of land per se; but the systematic lack of decent services in low income areas. To obtain a banking service, a decent house, education, health service, people must cross through several comunas, or simply live outside the poorer sides of town. Indeed, the issue is not so much the scarcity of land, but the lack of  “development elements” placed on the low income areas, elements that cross and link the city as a whole, to create integration and development. In other words, a kind of city which looks beyond the simple delivery of a social housing and a basic / under-resourced community scaled amenities. In fact, the Toma was about education, health, security, housing and basic services (far form formal standards but clearly full of potential and numerous forms of up-scaling opportunities). These were meant to provide basic but necessary elements to settle where they wanted and how they needed to create a place of their own. The pobladores in the Toma finally reduced their expectations for much less. What they finally asked for was not even these development elements; just avoid displacement and have a choice to live in the borough. This happens whilst Chile’s image of a peaceful growing economy, good provider of income and slum-less geography; all indicators which stand out in the region. It could be argued that asking why things don’t change? (Stone, 1989), or who actually governs? (Le Gales, 2014)  should lead future research. This may lead us back to the 1990’s and it’s still-standing agreement/regime that characterized Chile’s democratic era (1990 – today). A kind of political agreement that seem to have survived through the current social and political changes in Chile; a political stability which stiffens changes in the social housing agenda. And stiffens the capacity to find an alternative to growth oriented policies.

Many believe a Mayor may be the right kind of solution for a cit that requires urgently some planning. But what allowed to build more social housing in an area which was too pricey was in fact social pressure through social organization. A bottom-up process. Other social organizations such as MPL (Movimiento de Pobladores en Lucha) also presented in various occasions lists of available and vacant land for social housing (at leas in the borough), just to prove there is land available. As mentioned earlier since the mid 90’s the State’s housing policies have emphasized the importance participation and social organization in the process of city building. In fact, the state currently relies on Community leaders to find land, negotiate and let the state pay for it. But there are limits to what is accessible in terms of price (which limits where they can build). And the number of participants in a comite also has a ceiling (which limits the capacity to alter the social housing agenda). This despite the fact that the Toma de Penalolen proved it is possible to shift the limits to access land and social housing. This Toma de penalolen proved that larger communities can be organized and provide well founded arguments, based on a sense of place and on  the specifics of each group. Aspects which are key for participatory professes. Indeed, we (as Chileans) still seem too afraid to allow these more spontaneous and genuine processes to bring forward the concerns of poorer groups to evaluate how  urban integration should take place. In fact, people don’t want things “for free”, as many interviewees of the Toma suggested. They just need options.

Not all post dictatorship Tomas are evicted in Chile: the previous two in the borough successfully managed to stay on their occupied lands. But not this last one. Moreover, displacement and eviction is among the main characteristics that this settlement shares with almost every other one in Chile. Eviction were enforced after the fragmentation of the Toma’s organization capacity. Although avoiding eviction has been set as a priority in the local and central government in Chile, in practice it is still considered as an important tool for integration, inclusion and development.

Images of the transformation is presented below. Further findings will be shared eventually in this blog.

Before and after the Toma, images from Plataforma Urbana

During the Toma and future plans for the site. Images from Plataforma Urbana

What’s behind a place’s name?: Poblaciones in Chile

This graph is a small list of self-managed settlements in Chile during the 70’s. By that time creative and radical forms of city-making were put to practice. Tomas, as they called them, consisted of take-overs of land by a group of poor city dwellers and families. They were initially considered illegal but became a popular form of city production due to decades of unresponsive housing policies (de Ramon, 1991, Santa Maria, 1973). Once land was occupied, usually done quickly in the early hours of a morning, pobladores would build their houses and communities with whatever building materials they managed to obtain (pobladores is a Chilean expression which refers to the low and mid income urban dwellers). For a few years The land occupations or take-overs were eventually legitimized and supported by a wide range of institutions, such as the church, borough mayors, congressmen, students, unions and political parties from one end of the ideological spectrum to the other. It even became a state policy, named “Operacion Sitio”, and President Alessandri delivered speeches suggesting a need to knowledge the right to live in the City.

catastro campamentos 1971. Source: Direccion general de carabineros

catastro campamentos 1971. Source: Direccion general de carabineros

Historians suggest (de Ramon, 1990, Santa Maria 1973)these names do not always reveal the type of relation between  the urban movements pro-housing and the institutions backing them up. Even though some institutions were sincerely concerned with the housing shortage and living conditions, others found it an opportunity to obtain political support and votes. This partly may explain why it became a mainstream urban program. Since it went in well with the establishment it was widely supported.

But not all were in favour of Tomas. The idea of promoting self-managed settlements implied autonomy to be involved in collective decisions regarding where to live and freedom in terms of what type of house will be stood up. In many occasions it developed high levels of solidarity for various issues: employment, food, security, basic services, and so on. Levels of organization and self-determination which help poorer groups to be less vulnerable to, for example, evictions. It even went as far as to providing construction material to start up the house. If you take into account that thousands of pobadores actually signed up to social organization which were responsible of Tomas in Santiago, this drained a significant number of urban dwellers from the real estate driven market. The social organization became an alternative to the usual “Rancherios”, Conventillos,Cites or other form of state/firm provision of housing and amenities.

It is worthwhile mentioning that the absence of this building sector, may have significantly contributed to the explosion of participation among pobladores and the wide range of institutions. Indeed, these social organizations centred their agenda around housing. And were not necessarily obliged to include real estate firms into the process of selecting people, choosing a place, defining the land sizes, the size and shape of the house and so on. But the need to legitimize a take-over of land in a mainly capitalist driven urban growth, and obtain valuable organizational skills still required strategic association with powerful institutions “outside” the pobladores world. Institutions which some have been mentioned in the first paragraph. This period of Chile’s urban policy was a form of re-politicization of the city making process. By re-politicization I mean an inclusion of more institutions or actors into the urban process. Institutions which used the urban process as a means of establishing links with pobladores to find similarities in agendas and collaborate towards similar goals. Consequently, the process of making a Toma is important just for the fact that it diversified the ways in which social relations were created. It would then be true to suggest that those who control the city making process control social relations. Many of these relations are reflected sometimes through their names.

There is a long history of naming the places where the poor live which also reflected the social relations of the time. During the 1900s up until the 1970s poor urban dwellers lived either in rancherios or in cites and conventillos. Rancherios had a negative connotation to where families and individuals lived just outside the city. Land owners would rent parts of their farm land to poorer groups, and charged according to size of the self-made housing. Rancherios is also a name that according to de Ramon (1991) and Santa Matia (1971) were associated to thieves, indigenous groups and the poor. It was during the 1920s and 1930s that mid and high income classes decided that it was trendier to live in the country side. And the places left to the urban poor were what this group left: inside the city. The inner city became the new areas for the urban poor, which eventually were filled with Cites and Conventillos.

Cites and conventillos are names much friendlier than rancherios, in the Chilean language at least. Cite is associated to a French word. And conventillos is the diminutive of the word convent, which had a more dignifying and “spiritual” sense of place. But both words, as much as they evidenced a change in how poorer groups were named, simply hid the process of concentrating the poor into urban enclosures and unhealthy living conditions. These words were probably show an intention to forget rather than initiate a process of integration through the housing policy. By the way, cites and conventillos were built by the real estate sector of the time. Due to the pressures of the media as well as elites, a solution to the urban poor was “urgent”. And it was through a series of financial policies and incentives that real estate firms provided a new form of living in the central areas of Santiago. An example is showed below.

Cite or Conventillo. Source:

Cite or Conventillo. Source:

Much of the process of making tomas was also one which reshaped the sense of popular identity. Institutions, by helping to organize and then having some liberty to name the toma created a form of institutionalization of the mix between popular and institutional identities; a form of institutionalization of popular identity. The names of tomas also reflect the competition among some institutions to obtain political support and votes. Naming the toma was a way of establishing a precedence of the institutions social oriented agenda, one which cleaned their image and provided a positive response form the political and social establishment. It also created a permanent effect among pobladores to what kind of ideology or party they should feel associated to. But whether tomas were used by some and genuinely supported by other institutions, a wide range of places were named in the city, and institutions became embedded into city through the Toma/making process.

Finally, as ephemeral as a name may seem to some, its creation is a simplification and interpretation of an identity constituted by different people and of a complex process, like the Tomas. This is why this version of history may not be the only valid interpretation of this specific topic and part of urban policy in Chile. Nevertheless, I believe these names show a innovative reaction to the need for social integration. And the urban process became the media through which collaboration and association among various actors became possible. This period of urban policy also teaches us to be more critical to the wide range of intentions of the institutions involved in integration and inclusion processes. After all, the names do reflect a poblador-institution relation which questions how “autonomous” or “independent” pobladores really were to be the drivers of their own history.

lo que (no) nos dicen los nombres de las poblaciones

De adonde provienen los nombres de poblaciones? Como algunos sabrán, hubo una época en Santiago, donde las “tomas” o campamentos eran formas legitimas de encontrar un lugar para vivir y construir vivienda. Muchas de estas iniciativas eran intensamente apoyadas desde un principio por diversas instituciones y personajes: diputados, alcaldes, la iglesia, estudiantes, cooperativas, etc. (de Ramón, 1990, Santa María 1973) . Y por supuesto casi todo el espectro de partidos políticos, desde la Partido Nacional (derecha) hasta el MAPU (izquierda).

catastro campamentos 1971. Source: Direccion general de carabineros

Catastro campamentos 1971. Source: Direccion general de carabineros

Muchos de los nombres que se encuentran en esta lista reflejan este vínculo movimiento urbano – institución organizadora. No obstante, la idea de imprimir una identidad institucional sobre los movimientos que reivindican la identidad del poblador tiene una doble lectura. Si bien algunas instituciones eran sinceras en su apoyo a pobladores, otras los usaban para obtener votos o apoyo político. Esto de obtener apoyo político ademas de conseguir de paso una imagen positiva frente a la comunidad política y social podría explicar en parte la aceptación general del “establishment” chileno de las Tomas. Y por supuesto, como los nombres reflejan el uso que le daban a las Tomas para competir entre algunas instituciones.

De todas formas, si existían serios detractores. Si promueves la auto-gestión, entonces permites un nivel de autonomía para construir colectivamente un lugar. Y esto afectaba a las inmobiliarias, ya que quedaban al margen del control de  ciertos circuitos del conocimiento y materialidad en el desarrollo urbano. Sobre todo en una época en que miles de pobladores se inscribían para obtener vivienda mediante organizaciones sociales vinculadas a la formación de tomas. Esto remplazaba el proceso habitual de obtener vivienda por medio de rancheríos, obtener un lugar en un cite u alguna otra alternativa donde el estado o sector constructor estaba en control de la mayor parte del proceso de urbanización.

Cabe señalar que, la ausencia de este sector de la construcción puede haber contribuido a la significativa explosión de participación de otras instituciones en el desarrollo urbano. La vinculación de las organizaciones de pobladores no debía responder ni estar supeditada a una constructora en aquel momento de Santiago. Pero la necesidad de legitimar la edificación de una parte de la ciudad y obtener ayuda organizacional requería de apoyo de instituciones “externas”. El resultado fue una serie de asociaciones con una gran gama de organizaciones, como se menciona al principio. Es más, sin esta re-politización (o participación de varios actores) del urbanismo quizás muchos de estas instituciones y actores hubieran quedado al margen de colaborar o encontrar formas de vincularse usando procesos urbanos como medio de comunicación. Consecuentemente, el proceso urbano es fundamental para diversificar los medios a través de los cuales se construyen relaciones humanas (e institucionales). Quizás sea cierto entonces que, el que controla el proceso se hacer ciudad, controla estas relaciones. Relaciones que en muchas ocasiones se reflejan en los nombres de los lugares.

Detengámonos un momento para juntar algunos nombres que se le han dado a sectores pobres en el pasado. Que nos dice el nombre “Rancherío”? Este nombre representa una forma de arrendamiento a familias o grupos pobres de terrenos alrededor de la ciudad. El nombre es bastante despectivo y estaba asociado al lumpen o ladrón o indígena. En cambio “Cite” o “Conventillo” son nombres que intentan imprimirle una identidad “noble” y acorde con una tendencia arquitectónica del momento. Un nombre que en realidad le resultaba interesante mas para la clase media y alta, que a los pobres que tenian que vivir en estas edificaciones. En realidad el nombre era una forma de disfrazar una realidad y un proceso de hacinamiento.

Las tomas fueron también un proceso de institucionalización de la identidad popular. De paso, al formar parte del proceso de “tomarse” un terreno, también se aseguraron de imprimir una identidad más a la ciudad y de permanecer en ella a través de la presencia de la Toma. Consecuentemente, se podría decir que urbanizar es crear (reivindicar, remplazar, mezclar, etc.) identidad.

Finalmente, por efímero que un nombre parezca, su creación refleja una simplificación e interpretacion de una identidad constituida de personas diversas ademas del proceso (muchas veces complejo) que la formo. Por eso es importante no simplificar o reducir esta etapa de Tomas en la historia urbana de Chile a una sola interpretacion. En mi opinion, refleja una reacción creativa a la necesidad de integración social, y como a través del proceso urbano esta necesidad es reconocida. Esta etapa también nos enseña a ser más críticos de las intensiones de las instituciones que participan de la integración urbana. Ya que esta relación poblador-institución refleja que tan “autónomo” o “independiente” puede llegar a ser un movimiento para modificar (o ser dueños de) la trayectoria de su propia historia.

Castillo, Deleuze and self-managed settlements in Chile

Maria Jose Castillo doesn’t really mention Deleuze in her research, but its just so easy to ground this complex theory through her theoretical framework. Her research is really interesting: it’s an innovative approach to heavy issues, managing to bring something new where a lot has been written about it already: self managed settlements (or “informal” settlements) For those interested in Deleuze (and sceptics too) its a good chance to see how a convincing framework might look like… (hmm).

What Castillo does (and here she might agree with me) is examine a bit more closely what “informal” settlements mean in Chile.  She uses Nueva Palena and Alborada settlements to evidences the systematic bias of material and professional assistance to poorer groups. Indeed, taking into account the necessity to adapt the houses provided by the state  to the dwellers’ needs, she approaches their efforts in the following terms: “… the achievements in the field of housing depend less in the solutions provided by the state, and more in the constant will of the urban dwellers to improve every day their built environment. Supporting this tendency should have a direct incidence in the way in which the housing deficit is approached” (p55)

valparaiso and Santiago. Sources: Ossul and Sectra

(Image 1) Valparaiso and Santiago. Sources: Ossul and Sectra

She criticizes the excessive control of knowledge (professional for example) and material (construction materials and technology) resources through the urban development market in Chile today.  As Deleuze & Guattari (1972) would put it: the exclusion of both human and non-human things from specific urban groups and geographies. Besides the state, Castillo also signals the private side of the housing supply. This side of the market places disproportionate conditions to collaborate towards urban integration; whilst keeping high barriers of entrance to the material and non material elements that constitute urban integration. This market structure makes the various ways of assisting self-management less creative, effective and unequal. Some relevant programs and initiatives can be identified in Chile’s urban policy history. But the interruption of the policy evolution and tendency to solve planning with financial instruments (Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2005) have limited their impacts.

Adapting social capital, form "informal" to "formal"

(Image 2) Formalizing social capital: the Toma de Penalolen before and after

Such unequal planning outcomes is also  evident at a wider city scale. The recent Valparaiso fire, which affected the less resourced groups in the city, is an example. This, without even taking into account the sprawling poorer sectors behind the hillsides of the world heritage site (Image 1). Moreover, Santiago is another example of how its main period of urban growth was solved with a professional (Orellana, 2009: Sectra, 1991) and material polarization (Image 1). The inflexible structure of the so called “market” also makes urban conflicts volatile, harder to mediate, or adjust solutions to place-specific needs, as the case of Toma de Peñalolén shows (Image 2). Finally, Castillo mentions the need to acknowledge the social capital (p51) built in time outside the planning system, or  “informally”. A kind of capital that is both material (built) an non material (networks, relations, collaboration, organization, adaptation, etc). A step forward is a more sincere acknowledgment of the contribution of self-management to adapt built environments, as well as the costs associated to  “carving out”  poorer groups through  planning and markets.

A message to my policy-maker friends:

Nevertheless, It must be said, Chile has decreasing numbers of informal settlement rather than increasing as its Latin American region’s trend shows (UN Habitat, 2003). Since democratization (1989), much of the process of overcoming poverty has been carried out not only through a very present (contrary to absent) state. It is also developed through a heavy-handed presence of the business sector. It may be better described as a “partnership”, “growth machine” or “regime. It is nevertheless  a collaborative arrangement quite efficient in delivering basic services (water, sewage and electricity) in little time, much more than many of its neighboring countries. But this does not mean that the underlying processes which create the conditions for more poverty ceased to exist. Roy (2005) suggests many of these processes have to do with the same institutions that try to “formalize” poverty, who at the end condescendingly blame the poor for not “keeping up”. Indeed, much of those in Toma de Penalolen were living in the social/formal housing sector before joining this social movement. A simple literature review in Chile reveals that Tomas, since the 1900’s onwards, have been the “tip of an iceberg” of urban poverty (de Ramon, 1990). Tomas actually became visible to the mid and high income classes in the 1950s because they formed a social organization able to deviate unstable living condition. A thing that still today a few communities manage to do (deviate externalities) with large scaled events such as the Olympics, or highways, real estate development and so on.

Moreover, there has been so little attention given to a simple question: what circumstances brought you to join the settlement? This is a question I argue the “formal” sector should be consequent with. Nor has power asymmetries among actors involved in “formalization” been a central topic for most of the influential institutions. And in this last point is where the “partnership” between the public institutions and private firms should be placed under scrutiny. I decided to put these two last paragraph because some friends deliver government programs for settlers in Chile and may not agree with my “pessimistic” view. The Concertacion political coalition has done an important job in making Chile more democratic and fairer. But social movements and protest not just in education issues are telling us something, right? Lets just continue being critical, not pessimistic. No offence guys!

Pasando de la ciudad informal a la formal: mas m2 por habitante?

Moving from informality to formality: a fair process?

Interesantes datos de Maria Jose Castillo: compara el urbanismo informal (o de autogestion) y formal (mediante inmobiliarias) en m2 promedios x persona. En esta variable especifica (m2 x persona) da cuenta que hay poblaciones como Alborada que tienen igual o mas m2 que alguien de ingreso medio en Santiago, que obtiene su vivienda “formalmente” Su comparacion apunta a quien decide donde y como se construye en Chile. 

“El promedio de familias es 1,8 familias por lote en Nueva Palena y 1,2 familias por lote en Alborada. El promedio de habitantes por lote es de 5,5 en el primer caso y 4,2 en el segundo. En promedio, las viviendas tienen 81,1 m2 construidos en Nueva Palena (17,2 m2 por habitante) y 83,4 m2 en Alborada (26,5 m2 por habitante). Cabe hacer notar que en Santiago la oferta habitacional de los agentes inmobiliarios en proyectos de vivienda media, de acuerdo a algunos estudios de mercado, es de 15 m2 por persona. La superficie de las viviendas ofrecidas en Santiago para los sectores medios altos, es de 140 m2 máximo para una familia de cinco miembros, lo que da un promedio de 28 m2 por habitante.” (p50)

Graph by author data by Castillos 2005

Graph by author data by Castillos 2005


poblacion Alborada Renca Santiago Fuente Googlemaps

poblacion Alborada Renca Santiago Fuente Googlemaps

poblacion Nueva Palena Penalolen Fuente GoogleMaps

poblacion Nueva Palena Penalolen Fuente GoogleMaps

Santiago Nueva Alborada bottom left

(Santiago) Nueva Palena: abajo a la derecha. Fuente: Googlemaps

The unbuilding of informal Buenos Aires, part 3

The unbuilding of informal Buenos Aires, part 3

What can be learnt from the global south?

Informal settlements and space: what could a government report tell us about their geography?


Recently, data regarding the perseverance of informal settlement has been gathered in Chile by the current government. Graphic 1 and Map 3 shows several hundreds of informal settlements recently mapped.  According to this source, informal settlements tend to concentrate around specific regiones in Chile, close to the largest urban agglomerations, and within the economic macro-region of the country (circled in blue). Although the concentration of poblaciones (informal settlements) in specific regions of Chile is clear, they are also scattered within, around and in the outskirts of the city itself. This provides evidence of a spatial relation between the economic macro region and development of informality (expressed as settlements). It also suggests a relation between urban development processes and social exclusion processes. The dispersal of settlements around large urban areas could also be related, as suggested by César Leyton y Cristián Palacios[1] as an outcome of current policies of deviation, which bounce-off the attempts of pobladores to access the city. According to the authors, it perpetuates policies which were directed at pobladores (informal settlement dwellers) as a form of ordering the city according to class during the Pinochet military coup. Today, the dispersal of poblaciones may resemble a form of reducing migration pressures by providing housing out of the areas where major rent potentials can be obtained.

In a post from last year, Valeria asked what Informality means. Looking back at my answer, I do have some modifications to make. I still sustain that a good simple approach is Informal is whatever is not formal. Nevertheless, Valerias question is a central one to various authors. Much of the work done today to approach the issue of increasing numbers of poorer areas of the city is identifying the “external” factors which induce them. Indeed, Roy (year), Robinson (year), Sugranyes (year) and many other authors all sustain an view that the term “informal” is a social construction. Indeed, by focusing additionally on these agents apparently outside the place where less resourced groups live evidences quite a different cause of poverty.

“Informality” as Sugranyes mentions, may be a term that we can agree upon to talk about the same thing. But it also comes usually from a group which has access to power and resources. Therefore, the outcome may eventually end up reinforcing the traditional and conservative policies directed towards the poorest in society. unfortunately, this approach makes sense and it is a valid interpretation to why “informality” is expanding.this approach may be ore helpful in clarifying how, those in power, define what is part of their world and what is not. .

It is relevant, therefore, to disclose in what ways this relation is built, or constructed. And my current PhD work goes towards looking at the institutional construction of this relationship. I’ll edit this answer the coming days, but main ideas are in place…

[1] Becerra, M. Las olvidadas erradicaciones de la dictadura. Retrieved 2013/09/26 from: