The other blackboard: wall painting the housing policies in Chile
The other blackboard: wall painting the housing policies in Chile
Moving from informality to formality: a fair process?
Interesantes datos de Maria Jose Castillo: compara el urbanismo informal (o de autogestion) y formal (mediante inmobiliarias) en m2 promedios x persona. En esta variable especifica (m2 x persona) da cuenta que hay poblaciones como Alborada que tienen igual o mas m2 que alguien de ingreso medio en Santiago, que obtiene su vivienda “formalmente” Su comparacion apunta a quien decide donde y como se construye en Chile.
“El promedio de familias es 1,8 familias por lote en Nueva Palena y 1,2 familias por lote en Alborada. El promedio de habitantes por lote es de 5,5 en el primer caso y 4,2 en el segundo. En promedio, las viviendas tienen 81,1 m2 construidos en Nueva Palena (17,2 m2 por habitante) y 83,4 m2 en Alborada (26,5 m2 por habitante). Cabe hacer notar que en Santiago la oferta habitacional de los agentes inmobiliarios en proyectos de vivienda media, de acuerdo a algunos estudios de mercado, es de 15 m2 por persona. La superficie de las viviendas ofrecidas en Santiago para los sectores medios altos, es de 140 m2 máximo para una familia de cinco miembros, lo que da un promedio de 28 m2 por habitante.” (p50)
La cultura de Miedo: vaciando la solidaridad y pensamiento critico. Es interesante como el entrevistado presenta la existente cultura (o lo que sucede en varias dimensiones de nuestra vida) del miedo en España; el miedo a perder la casa, buscar o mantener el empleo, acceder a la educación, obtener servicios de salud, etc. Es una mirada mas critica a dos temas. Primero, es una mirada critica a la percepción conservadora de que la reducción de sistemas colectivos o comunes son necesarios para “incentivar” la integración económica y social de los sectores con menos recursos. Segundo, el entrevistado ayuda a entender como se legitimizan estos cambios. En particular, el problema que se han convertido los medios de comunicación para transmitir y perpetuar esta condición post política (Swyngedouw, 2007; Zizek, 2000) en la sociedad. Una en que la discusión política (discusión compartida) queda reducida a la urgencia y a legitimar una mirada parcial para evaluar temas que afectan al “99%”.
Entrevistado:” Los medios de comunicación han jugado un papel muy importante… en preferenciar [y presentar noticias que tienden] a dramatizar… [temas seleccionados como una] urgencia; [nos hacen pensar que son] necesarios los cambios que de otra manera… mas reflexiva y sosegada hubiéramos tomado quizás otras decisiones… El poder en los medios se fía mucho en presentar las posibles alternativas como algo marginal, algo utópico, irrealizable…”
Periodista: “o sea nos hemos creído el cuento que no hay alternativas“
The Culture of Fear: Hollowing out solidarity and critical thinking. I’d like to share the interviewee’s perception of some recent changes in Spain. He suggests that the culture of fear is significant and expanding. It is a fear not just to loose the “state benefits”. It acknowledges the underlying difficulties in obtaining a house and easiness in loosing it, keeping or seeking a job, accessing decent health services, obtaining education and so on. Two topics can be approached more critically with his view. One has to do with the traditional notion of reducing collective systems as a necessary “incentive” for the economic and social integration of less resourced groups. Secondly, how such changes are “democratically” legitimized. When asked who contributes in extending such climate of uncertainty, he suggests the media as a significant messenger, one which perpetuates a post political condition (Swyngedouw, 2007; Zizek, 2000) in society:
Interviewee: “The media have played a relevant role… in preferring [news that] dramatize and treat [topics as an] urgency, making us believe that changes are needed; changes that in a more thoughtful and critical approach, would have probably created a different outcome or decision… The “power” in the media relies in presenting the possible alternatives as marginal, utopic and unrealizable”
Journalist: “You mean to say that we now believe that there is no alternative”
A primera vista, parece una banalidad las preguntas que le hacen a un experto en commodities en Chile. Pero si mal no me acuerdo, la clase profesional chilena sale de cinco colegios catolicos . Si el entrevistado salio de uno de estos colegios, seleccionarlo seria un plus para la empresa, o no? Mal que mal, le aseguras a la empresa una ventaja competitiva, una red de poder e influencias que cualquier empresa quisiera asegurar. Creo que aqui tambien se entreve uno de los temazos de la revolucion de estudiantes en Chile: de que sirve educarse si tienes poco control sobre las oportunidades de surjir profesionalmente a mediano y largo plazo? Estas aparecen mas bien encasilladas a traves del sistema educacional.
Reviewed: 08/11/2013. Image2: The city as a shattered mirror of styles. Courtesy of 123RF. Retrived from www.123rf.com/ 25/10/2013.
In two recent articles, Francisco Sabatini (2007) and Francisca Ward (2012) mention that Santiago serves as a good example of what they consider Latin American gentrification. Both authors separately claim this entails a form of expanding the city which historically does not involve displacement of lower income groups by higher income ones. Various aspects are positive regarding this perspective about how gentrification and city expansion relate. Firstly, there is an attempt in finding a new form of gentrification which takes into account the processes of a particular city within a specific region. Secondly, it is an alternative reading of the consequences of horizontal urban development, looking at how social relations are affected during the city’s transition from a city to a mega city. Much of Santiago has actually been developed in the last 70 years, which makes the city relatively “young”. During this period of expansion (and still expanding but at a lower rate today), Sabatini et al.’s identifies no significant gentrification process at a city scale. Thirdly, it offers a well studied phenomena at a city scale, built over evidence-based data which covers much (if not all) the metropolitan area.
Although the title of the original article alludes to history, the theory sidesteps various issues. This article will look at three. Firstly, Sabatini et al’s theory implies imagining a city where higher income groups expand in areas which were not used by lower income groups previously. And a valley of Santiago, which is vast, without relevant previous history of occupancy. Nevertheless, this could be answered by including a commonly known event of Santiago’s history: the program Operacion Sitio (Garces, 2002). Operacion Sitio was developed during the Allende’s presidency. It is a program based in the popular practices of squattering and building self made housing (today known as informal settlements or Tomas). Although the program is a form of political propaganda, it allowed poorer sectors of society to “occupy” a variety of areas in the valley. The provided areas or sitios (plots of land drawn on the ground for each family) covered most sectors of the valley of Santiago. Some of them in the north and east, areas which today are occupied by the wealthiest groups.
Eventually, most of the north and east sitios were evicted during the Pinochet Regime. Among the range of strategies, probably the most known one is Programa de viviendas básicas de erradicación de campamentos. This eviction program served both as a repressive and dispersal mechanism which left the previously occupied lands north and east of Santiago available for real estate firms. Pobladores were evicted in general to the south and west of the Valley. The evicted areas were eventually developed by through the Chilean PPP model, which allowed a flexible and segregationist form of catering income groups. The evicted areas were provided to (and still is) the mid and high income groups predominantly. Therefore, the supply side of the urban expansion and policy environment are significant variables to associate gentrification and urban expansion.
Additionally, projects which came after the pobladores’ eviction such as the Benjamin Vicuhna Mackena (BVM) provide a different reading to the inner-city shaping process. The BVM suggests a relevant re-ordering of social relations based on strategic inner city physical transformations. This re-organization of space and uses undermine a simplistic view of significant past displacements in Santiago. It also evidences the active role of the state to set the basis of how the spatial structure of social relations are to develop in the next decades.
I we look even further back in history, de Ramon (1991) shows the displacement of the urban poor between center an periphery has been going on for a while in Santiago. Santiago in the 1900’s was formed of a center and a few surrounding towns. By that time a significant number of poorer urban groups were been displaced from periphery to central areas, due to rising land prices in the surrounding towns (Providencia, Nunoa and Las Condes for example). The conventillo/cite legacy is an evidence of this displacement in Santiago Centro. By the way, the cites were built through the real estate firms sector of the time, based on financial programs designed by the state to “improve living conditions”of the poor. Eventually, in the 1920s and 30s, most of the Conventillo enclosures of poor would be bulldozed by the state, obliging those living in them to once again look for shelter in the peripheries. It was by 1950s that land take overs or “Tomas” alarmed the elite mid and high income groups, due to its level of social organization and resistance to evictions.
The trigger of these house-centered social movements were a mix of class and state led displacements, which left with little chance to live either in central or periphery areas. Such displacements will continue in the 60’s, 70’s and 80’s with a varying degree of acknowledgment by elites and the state in the struggle to live in the city. It was really during Allende that location and particpative aspects changed radicalley, but came back to almost null participation during the dictatorship.
Still today, the remaining Conventillos are slowly displaced by urban regeneration, as well as the young professionals seeking trendy parts of central Santiago to live in. state-led programs will continue to be a relevant variable to explain location outcomes of the poor urban groups; not just through an effect of seeking low rent sectors due to rising land prices. All these historical accounts make it hard to separate in Chile a pure class displacement from institutional displacement, specially when the state forms a class in itself. We could even classify most of the state interventions in the last century as: (2) assisting the accommodation of displacement, (2) initiating the displacement; (3) or a mix of both.
Secondly, the first point is useful to highlight that cities are a significant part of how we build and perceive a common history which shapes the identity of urban dwellers. Changing the perception of how the city was developed justifies how ongoing processes treat different groups in society. There are various dangers to generalizing a city’s history as Sabatini et al’s et al’s article provides. It does not consider the city as a multiplicity of agendas and actors (Mcfarlane, 2011), which do not necessarily agree upon an agenda, and sometimes just have to “go along” (Holman, 2007) with one. History shows the city as a site of social tensions and political disputes. A city where various mechanisms and systems (not necessarily based on land markets) operate to solve differences among urban dwellers; not necessarily in participation or democratic terms, even during democracy. Santiago, far from being a unitary element, is formed by different styles of urbanization, like a shattered mirror, representing different interests and forms of city building. Many identities within the same entity.
Thirdly, a non-conflictive city is a reading of the city that Sabatini et al’s article suggests. But this reading is relative if we consider the wide range of displacements programs that have structured Santiago. Indeed, the city is also about how one group perceives the “other” and they do about it. Therefore, the “otherness” as Harvey mentions (1996) should be subject of inquiry too. In this sense, the perception of a conflict-less expansion of a city may make sense to some groups, think tanks and policy makers. But taking into account the previous examples it does not represent the experience nor the collective memory of all Santiaguinos.
Sabatini et al’s discussion could, for example, take a direction towards understanding how much has government-led displacement shapes Latin American cities. The answer may lie in Lopez and Shin’s (ongoing) research regarding gentrification in Latin America. Other aspects that could be included (or not-excluded) in the perception of how Latin American cities develop is find out why inner city migration exists. This issue may carry us to question how involved should a government be in gentrification. And how much should be decided by the supply-side of the housing industry (both public and private sectors), as suggested by Lopez (2011). Lopez suggests that who structures local markets and how matters in gentrification, specially in central Santiago. As much as Sabatini et al. suggest the expansion of the city has more to do with a general demand-side or social force driven gentrification, avoiding the variable of supply -side or public-private partnership could mislead us from a relevant underpinning factors of gentrification in this city.
Finally, what is proposed in this article is that focusing on process, as Sabatini et al does, is crucial to understand and evaluate the outcome of the city. Nonetheless, how the concept used to analyze the processes is carved out should be looked at more in detail. As it is defined, it also interprets the type of events that are observed. If gentrification is defined differently, or linked to a broader processes, such as displacement processes in general, a wider range of events may emerge in the study of urban development. Events such as the ones provided in this article. They may not even be labeled just as gentrification: forced eviction, forms of enclosure, dispersal tactics and repression. Recognizing them does provide a different insight on the observed process: urban expansion. Therefore there is a discretionary element to how theory is carved out that should not be missed.
This article proposes that the issue brought by Sabatini et al. has an alternative approach to generalize about cities. Lopez & Shin’s research propose one, which is extensive and covers many cities within a region. Comparative work is a key aspect. This research suggests that history is relevant, but how events are selected to build generalizations should also form part of research. It is after all a process of conceptualizing the “other”. The issue here is making a general reading of the city which does not support the process of excluding through discourse the multiplicity of urban experiences in Santiago. Although this informal article and Sabatini et al’s published article use similar periods of time, the conclusion of the displacement processes in Santiago are significantly different. Looking back can provide an understanding how the social relations are set out in territory today. But to go forward researchers should include (at least) what are the limitations in how data is selected and generalizations built.
Image 1: retrieved from Google Maps, 10/10/2013.
Some time ago, the journalist Mauricio Becerra interviewed two Chilean researchers, César Leyton y Cristián Palacios, about their collected data regarding past urban policies of Santiago. What is original about this study is its focus in the types of enclosure (Swyngedouw. 2011) and cleansing practices that the military coup of Chile, and the supporting political coalition, implemented in Santiago (and maybe other Chilean cities). Their findings highlight policies which were designed to disperse and segregate the poorest to specific areas of the city. Have a look at the article (in Spanish), it signals where further research could be continued.
Extract from article, reply by Cesar Leyton: “The dictatorship took the Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna (BVM) project at the end of the century to a massive scale. The BVM model is liberal. a segregative social model attributed to scientific conceptions such as “hygienic” spaces, understood as the process of separating de sick and the poor from the rich and healthy so as not to affect the model of production which was developing with the industrialisation. BVM talks of building a sanitary wall which divides the city and builds around the informal settlements (barriadas) where the migrants from the country (or fields) would live in, as well as in the north, areas such as the Chimba. The idea was o establish a new order, a reorganization of the neighbourhoods in the south, demolish the conventillos and “ranches”, finish with the African horde as they were called at than time. It is a large scale project that the BVM will be conceiving as a wall in practice, as a boulevard which divides the spaces through a large artery, an 11 km wall which eventually becomes te Americo Vespucio Highway, Campor de Marte (now Parque O’higgins) and Mapocho river in th north, up to the cemetery…” (translated by author)
Probably one of the original approaches this research has is identifying the agency not as a specific actor or institution, as ANT or assemblage theory have provided in existing literature. They highlight what is called Geopolitics as the relevant ideology or theory justifying the design of urban policies. a form of though which characterizes the military education, where the state, its role and the relation it should have with its inhabitants are defined. geopolitics emerges as the logic behind the cleansing policies, which operate at various levels of urban policies. In part they are directly opening spaces to zoning which have a segregative effect.
Other policies with which geopolitic interacted were Hernando de Soto´s theories. By the 70´s, urban rate of migration was already high, and the access to housing, transport, jobs, health and education were building up as a crisis. Therefore a formalization approach ha to be developed. This was a chance to expand the application of de Soto´s theories too. Much of the solutions provided to the new Santiaguinos was based on economic incentives and a place with a house from which entrepreneurship and self-sustaining processes should naturally emerge. With an new economics, the chances would eventually trickle-down to most of the Chileans.
For those concerned with space (such as geographers an architects), forms of enclosure could be related to this form of thinking the world. It opens up a new perspective regarding the elitism which hs perpetuated in the design of Santiago historically. The relation between the “part” and the “whole” (as suggested by DeLanda (2006); Harvey, 1996) is reflected in the relation between the physical design of the city and this specific ideology (among other schools of thought) promoted through the dictatorship.
The image which is displayed in this article reflects various elements used in the past and today to separate society. it is possible to observe both built and natural barriers used as segregationist elements. what is included into the map, apart from those elements recognized by Becerra´s interview, is the slopes of the Andes to the east of Santiago´s valley, and the Cerro San Cristobal. both are relevant elements which geographically, are sued to separate areas of Santiago, marking development areas from those which slowly decay in time with a mid and low income sector of the urban society. the new highways which evidence the asymmetries of power within the city (it passes under the ground level in high income areas, and over the ground level in low income boroughs) are a new set of conditions which perpetuate physical segregation tools. the development of gated communities also form a relevant instrument which may be affecting how Santiago´s urban society literal and physical develops its relations.
Not less relevantly, Geo politics coexisted amongst other ideologies, intertwining and producing a distinctive “Chilean” form of policy making during the dictatorship. Neo-liberalism in Chile as observed today was decided at east two years after the coup began. And connections between other coups in the region (even with the apartheid) established eventually. Therefore, geopolitics is used also as a tool to link with other regional main stream ideologies, connecting military institutions, n becoming a a mainstream thinking elements which may also have permeated into the supporting political parties.